Alla inlägg den 14 april 2010

Av Mikael - 14 april 2010 22:15

Det här med ens egna tro (inte religiösa tillhörighet), och ens relations preference är väl väldigt stelt i massmedia och i västerländsk media.


Serien: Battlestar Galactica som gjorde 5 säsonger tog upp polyteism vs monoteism. Spinnoff serien Caprica har dragit det lite längre med att ta med en annan värdegrund och relations konstelationer än vad dom flesta är vana med. 


One of the show's main driving points is religious belief. Colonial culture is partially influenced by the accepted religious beliefs in Polytheism, or accepted belief that there are multiple gods, drawing from Ancient Greek, Ancient Roman and to a lesser extent Ancient Egyptian influences. Monotheism, or the belief in one god, is regarded as disruptive, opinionated, and potentially hostile. Colonial culture seems to be less restrictive with regards to sexual orientation and monogamous relationships, and issues of "right and wrong" are dealt with a sense of justice, instead of mercy.


Källa: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caprica_%28TV_series%29


Polly Walker som är en otrolig snygging...


 


....spelar någon flummig lärare, som lever i ett sk Polyamori förhållande med en hel del personer. Vilket känns betydligt mer rättvist emot alla inblandade. I stället för relationer med flera kvinnor och en man, som bara praktiskt är idiotiskt anser jag. Eller svenska otrohets förhållanden, där typ alla som jag har känt under 37 års tid, har sladdat på vänster kanten så kom inte och säg att det tillhör ovanligheten.... Och för den delen så moraliserar jag inte över det alls eftersom jag är spontan partisk emot tjejerna, som helt klart ska ha lite kärlek. Hur folk trasslar är inte min biznis....


En biologisk praktisk vettig relationsform för mig, är Polyandry, som jag såg en dokumentär om för ett par år sen. Sherpas lever i Tibet (där jag vill ha semesterhus tillsammans med munkarna hehe). Där det var en himla nöjd kvinna som levde med 3 hetero män som tog hand om henne. Samhällsmässigt så är det vettigt att hålla ner populationen på så sätt i en sån miljö. Sen kan man ju inte lura mig att särskilt många kvinnor skulle tacka nej till 3 hjälpsamma grabbisar lol.


Eftersom jag är teoretiskt mysko-hetero (ska inte gå inte på det mer då), så känns Polygynadri: flera män och kvinnor är gifta med varandra (hetero). Som en latjo variant, som skulle fungera om alla litade och gillade varandra, samt delade min/andras specifika värdegrund. 


Hur kan man låta bli att tycka om alla de söta tjejerna? 


Sett praktiskt under mitt liv så är jag trogen som en hund, även om det har känts korkat i efterhand med facit i hand lol. Men whatever....


I största allmänhet så verkar det som att jag är väldans Endogam emot min etniska grupptillhörighet (nomadiska etniciteter), men det vet man ju inte utan DNA test, även om man kan lista ut det baserat på vart man kommer ifrån samt är på ett visst sätt, med värderingar, beteende, egenskaper, genuttryck etc. Generellt så tänker jag att jag gillar alla (om man inte verkligen förstör sig själv på alla tillgängliga sätt idag, så att man ser ut som ett    TRoLL   ), men mitt DNA har ju mig totalt i sitt våld lol, så det är bara att hänga med o gilla läget. Mitt DNA är ju mitt endå, så på molekylär nivå så är det ju jag som omedvetet bestämmer åt mig, så att det i slutendan är jag som väljer, men whatever.    Sociologi, beteendevetenskap, sociologi, populationsgenetik, etnologi, historia, ickeverbal kommunkations kunskaper, ansikts-igenkännings forskning m.m gör det väl lättare att hajja varför man tycker att vissa är attraktiva då.


Med tanke på den grupp av människor som jag gillar, umgås med, familj osv, och hur dom fungerar med "Tänket", vilka dom väljer som partners, hur deras relationer fungerar och ens värdegrund och mycket till. Plus att dom går sönder hela bunten av vårat konservativa kristna falska monogama samhälle fungerar på. Så skulle det inte göra mig förvånad om det är så enkelt att vi kanske inte passar in i det samhälle som är normativt idag.


Det här med tro är ju komplicerat för många. Polyteism vs Monoteism. Universum är ju 1, även om man kanske vill påstå något annat. Om man nu har en Polyteistisk tro, så blir det ju mono i slutendan pga att allt hör samman, så om man tror på andeväsen, olika gudar etc så hör ju allt ihop och blir en enhet = Monoteistisk.


Det här med ens egen tro, är som den sista profeten Baha'i'ullah säger: Privat. Vilket är den monoteistiska religion som jag anser vettig och legitim idag. Vilekt gör att jag inte diskuterar egen och andras uppfattning och tro i allmänhet.


Kanske man ska grunda en helt ny Tro istället. PolyMonteism?!  


Även om många tror just att man måste vara en Ateist om man litar på vetenskapliga framsteg, och att universum fungerar efter matematiska o fysiska naturlagar. Så går det faktiskt att klämma in allt i ett, teologi + vetenskap. Det känns positivare och mer hoppfullt att tro lite på magi i världen, speciellt när det är så eländigt överallt idag.


Hur som helst, så kanske man ska börja med att återgå till "Hippie kollektiv" som känns vänligt och kul i största allmänhet. I en fördomsfri och tolerant miljö där alla värnar om varandra.





Av Mikael - 14 april 2010 20:30

Det är ju valår i år, så jag tänkte lägga ut mitt favo snilles politiska åsikt som jag delar. Hans ideer om ekonomin är likadana, alternativt grundade? den miljö-gröna ekonomiska reformen som man önskar idag. Där fokus är på individens välbefinnande. Men det är väl klart att politiker inte fattar det här eftersom IQ't är vad???


Det här är ju aktuellt idag också på många sätt.


Why Socialism?

by Albert Einstein

This essay was originally published in the first issue of Monthly Review (May 1949).

 

Is it advisable for one who is not an expert on economic and social issues to express views on the subject of socialism? I believe for a number of reasons that it is.

 

Let us first consider the question from the point of view of scientific knowledge. It might appear that there are no essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics: scientists in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for a circumscribed group of phenomena in order to make the interconnection of these phenomena as clearly understandable as possible. But in reality such methodological differences do exist. The discovery of general laws in the field of economics is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately. In addition, the experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the so-called civilized period of human history has—as is well known—been largely influenced and limited by causes which are by no means exclusively economic in nature. For example, most of the major states of history owed their existence to conquest. The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and economically, as the privileged class of the conquered country. They seized for themselves a monopoly of the land ownership and appointed a priesthood from among their own ranks. The priests, in control of education, made the class division of society into a permanent institution and created a system of values by which the people were thenceforth, to a large extent unconsciously, guided in their social behavior.

 

But historic tradition is, so to speak, of yesterday; nowhere have we really overcome what Thorstein Veblen called "the predatory phase" of human development. The observable economic facts belong to that phase and even such laws as we can derive from them are not applicable to other phases. Since the real purpose of socialism is precisely to overcome and advance beyond the predatory phase of human development, economic science in its present state can throw little light on the

socialist society of the future.

 

Second, socialism is directed towards a social-ethical end. Science, however, cannot create ends and, even less, instill them in human beings; science, at most, can supply the means by which to attain certain ends. But the ends themselves are conceived by personalities with lofty ethical ideals and—if these ends are not stillborn, but vital and vigorous—are adopted and carried forward by those many human beings who, half unconsciously, determine the slow evolution of society.

 

For these reasons, we should be on our guard not to overestimate science and scientific methods when it is a question of human problems; and we should not assume that experts are the only ones who have a right to express themselves on questions affecting the organization of society.

 

Innumerable voices have been asserting for some time now that human society is passing through a crisis, that its stability has been gravely shattered. It is characteristic of such a situation that individuals feel indifferent or even hostile toward the group, small or large, to which they belong. In order to illustrate my meaning, let me record here a personal experience. I recently discussed with an intelligent and well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would seriously endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supra-national organization would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor, very calmly and coolly, said to me: "Why are you so deeply opposed to the disappearance of the human race?"

 

I am sure that as little as a century ago no one would have so lightly made a statement of this kind. It is the statement of a man who has striven in vain to attain an equilibrium within himself and has more or less lost hope of succeeding. It is the expression of a painful solitude and isolation from which so many people are suffering in these days. What is the cause? Is there a way out?

 

It is easy to raise such questions, but difficult to answer them with any degree of assurance. I must try, however, as best I can, although I am very conscious of the fact that our feelings and strivings are often contradictory and obscure and that they cannot be expressed in easy and simple formulas.

 

Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being. As a solitary being, he attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows, and to improve their conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting, strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being of society. It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which

a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The abstract concept "society" means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations. The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society—in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence—that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society. It is "society" which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word “society.”

 

It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which cannot be abolished—just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible developments among human being which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious thinking and wanting can play a part.

 

Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition, during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through communication and through many other types of influences. It is this cultural constitution which, with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the relationship between the individual and society. Modern anthropology has taught us, through comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings

may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which predominate in society. It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.

 

If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As mentioned before, the biological nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay. In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly centralized productive apparatus are absolutely necessary. The time—which, looking back, seems so idyllic—is gone forever when individuals or relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.

 

I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human beings, whatever their position in society, are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.

 

The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor—not by force, but on the whole in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this respect, it is important to realize that the means of production—that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing consumer goods as well as additional capital goods—may legally be, and for the most part are, the private property of individuals.

 

For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call “workers” all those who do not share in the ownership of the means of production—although this does not quite correspond to the customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods which become the property of the capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value.

Insofar as the labor contract is “free,” what the worker receives is determined not by the real value of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists' requirements for labor power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.

 

Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of smaller ones. The result of these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of his political rights.

 

The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus characterized by two main principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of course, there is no such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers, through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form of the “free labor contract” for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the  present day economy does not differ much from “pure” capitalism.

 

Production is carried on for profit, not for use. There is no provision that all those able and willing to work will always be in a position to find employment; an “army of unemployed” almost always exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed and poorly paid workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers' goods is restricted, and great hardship is the consequence. Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.

 

This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.

 

I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be  oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.

 

Nevertheless, it is necessary to remember that a planned economy is not yet socialism. A planned economy as such may be accompanied by the complete enslavement of the individual. The achievement of socialism requires the solution of some extremely difficult socio-political problems: how is it possible, in view of the far reaching centralization of political and economic power, to prevent bureaucracy from becoming all-powerful and overweening? How can the rights of the individual be protected and therewith a democratic counterweight to the power of bureaucracy be assured?

 

Clarity about the aims and problems of socialism is of greatest significance in our age of transition. Since, under present circumstances, free and unhindered discussion of these problems has come under a powerful taboo, I consider the foundation of this magazine to be an important public service.



Why Socialism?
by Albert Einstein
This essay was originally published in the first issue of Monthly Review (May 1949).
Is it advisable for one who is not an expert on economic and social issues to express views on the
subject of socialism? I believe for a number of reasons that it is.
Let us first consider the question from the point of view of scientific knowledge. It might appear
that there are no essential methodological differences between astronomy and economics: scientists
in both fields attempt to discover laws of general acceptability for a circumscribed group of
phenomena in order to make the interconnection of these phenomena as clearly understandable as
possible. But in reality such methodological differences do exist. The discovery of general laws in
the field of economics is made difficult by the circumstance that observed economic phenomena are
often affected by many factors which are very hard to evaluate separately. In addition, the
experience which has accumulated since the beginning of the so-called civilized period of human
history has—as is well known—been largely influenced and limited by causes which are by no
means exclusively economic in nature. For example, most of the major states of history owed their
existence to conquest. The conquering peoples established themselves, legally and economically, as
the privileged class of the conquered country. They seized for themselves a monopoly of the land
ownership and appointed a priesthood from among their own ranks. The priests, in control of
education, made the class division of society into a permanent institution and created a system of
values by which the people were thenceforth, to a large extent unconsciously, guided in their social
behavior.
But historic tradition is, so to speak, of yesterday; nowhere have we really overcome what Thorstein
Veblen called "the predatory phase" of human development. The observable economic facts belong
to that phase and even such laws as we can derive from them are not applicable to other phases.
Since the real purpose of socialism is precisely to overcome and advance beyond the predatory
phase of human development, economic science in its present state can throw little light on the
socialist society of the future.
Second, socialism is directed towards a social-ethical end. Science, however, cannot create ends
and, even less, instill them in human beings; science, at most, can supply the means by which to
attain certain ends. But the ends themselves are conceived by personalities with lofty ethical ideals
and—if these ends are not stillborn, but vital and vigorous—are adopted and carried forward by
those many human beings who, half unconsciously, determine the slow evolution of society.
For these reasons, we should be on our guard not to overestimate science and scientific methods
when it is a question of human problems; and we should not assume that experts are the only ones
who have a right to express themselves on questions affecting the organization of society.
Innumerable voices have been asserting for some time now that human society is passing through a
crisis, that its stability has been gravely shattered. It is characteristic of such a situation that
individuals feel indifferent or even hostile toward the group, small or large, to which they belong. In
order to illustrate my meaning, let me record here a personal experience. I recently discussed with
an intelligent and well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would
seriously endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supra-national organization
would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor, very calmly and coolly, said to me:
"Why are you so deeply opposed to the disappearance of the human race?"
I am sure that as little as a century ago no one would have so lightly made a statement of this kind.
It is the statement of a man who has striven in vain to attain an equilibrium within himself and has
more or less lost hope of succeeding. It is the expression of a painful solitude and isolation from
which so many people are suffering in these days. What is the cause? Is there a way out?
It is easy to raise such questions, but difficult to answer them with any degree of assurance. I must
try, however, as best I can, although I am very conscious of the fact that our feelings and strivings
are often contradictory and obscure and that they cannot be expressed in easy and simple formulas.
Man is, at one and the same time, a solitary being and a social being. As a solitary being, he
attempts to protect his own existence and that of those who are closest to him, to satisfy his personal
desires, and to develop his innate abilities. As a social being, he seeks to gain the recognition and
affection of his fellow human beings, to share in their pleasures, to comfort them in their sorrows,
and to improve their conditions of life. Only the existence of these varied, frequently conflicting,
strivings accounts for the special character of a man, and their specific combination determines the
extent to which an individual can achieve an inner equilibrium and can contribute to the well-being
of society. It is quite possible that the relative strength of these two drives is, in the main, fixed by
inheritance. But the personality that finally emerges is largely formed by the environment in which
a man happens to find himself during his development, by the structure of the society in which he
grows up, by the tradition of that society, and by its appraisal of particular types of behavior. The
abstract concept "society" means to the individual human being the sum total of his direct and
indirect relations to his contemporaries and to all the people of earlier generations. The individual is
able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society—in his
physical, intellectual, and emotional existence—that it is impossible to think of him, or to
understand him, outside the framework of society. It is "society" which provides man with food,
clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of
thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions
past and present who are all hidden behind the small word “society.”
It is evident, therefore, that the dependence of the individual upon society is a fact of nature which
cannot be abolished—just as in the case of ants and bees. However, while the whole life process of
ants and bees is fixed down to the smallest detail by rigid, hereditary instincts, the social pattern and
interrelationships of human beings are very variable and susceptible to change. Memory, the
capacity to make new combinations, the gift of oral communication have made possible
developments among human being which are not dictated by biological necessities. Such
developments manifest themselves in traditions, institutions, and organizations; in literature; in
scientific and engineering accomplishments; in works of art. This explains how it happens that, in a
certain sense, man can influence his life through his own conduct, and that in this process conscious
thinking and wanting can play a part.
Man acquires at birth, through heredity, a biological constitution which we must consider fixed and
unalterable, including the natural urges which are characteristic of the human species. In addition,
during his lifetime, he acquires a cultural constitution which he adopts from society through
communication and through many other types of influences. It is this cultural constitution which,
with the passage of time, is subject to change and which determines to a very large extent the
relationship between the individual and society. Modern anthropology has taught us, through
comparative investigation of so-called primitive cultures, that the social behavior of human beings
may differ greatly, depending upon prevailing cultural patterns and the types of organization which
predominate in society. It is on this that those who are striving to improve the lot of man may
ground their hopes: human beings are not condemned, because of their biological constitution, to
annihilate each other or to be at the mercy of a cruel, self-inflicted fate.
If we ask ourselves how the structure of society and the cultural attitude of man should be changed
in order to make human life as satisfying as possible, we should constantly be conscious of the fact
that there are certain conditions which we are unable to modify. As mentioned before, the biological
nature of man is, for all practical purposes, not subject to change. Furthermore, technological and
demographic developments of the last few centuries have created conditions which are here to stay.
In relatively densely settled populations with the goods which are indispensable to their continued
existence, an extreme division of labor and a highly-centralized productive apparatus are absolutely
necessary. The time—which, looking back, seems so idyllic—is gone forever when individuals or
relatively small groups could be completely self-sufficient. It is only a slight exaggeration to say
that mankind constitutes even now a planetary community of production and consumption.
I have now reached the point where I may indicate briefly what to me constitutes the essence of the
crisis of our time. It concerns the relationship of the individual to society. The individual has
become more conscious than ever of his dependence upon society. But he does not experience this
dependence as a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his
natural rights, or even to his economic existence. Moreover, his position in society is such that the
egotistical drives of his make-up are constantly being accentuated, while his social drives, which are
by nature weaker, progressively deteriorate. All human beings, whatever their position in society,
are suffering from this process of deterioration. Unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism, they
feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life. Man
can find meaning in life, short and perilous as it is, only through devoting himself to society.
The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the
evil. We see before us a huge community of producers the members of which are unceasingly
striving to deprive each other of the fruits of their collective labor—not by force, but on the whole
in faithful compliance with legally established rules. In this respect, it is important to realize that the
means of production—that is to say, the entire productive capacity that is needed for producing
consumer goods as well as additional capital goods—may legally be, and for the most part are, the
private property of individuals.
For the sake of simplicity, in the discussion that follows I shall call “workers” all those who do not
share in the ownership of the means of production—although this does not quite correspond to the
customary use of the term. The owner of the means of production is in a position to purchase the
labor power of the worker. By using the means of production, the worker produces new goods
which become the property of the capitalist. The essential point about this process is the relation
between what the worker produces and what he is paid, both measured in terms of real value.
Insofar as the labor contract is “free,” what the worker receives is determined not by the real value
of the goods he produces, but by his minimum needs and by the capitalists' requirements for labor
power in relation to the number of workers competing for jobs. It is important to understand that
even in theory the payment of the worker is not determined by the value of his product.
Private capital tends to become concentrated in few hands, partly because of competition among the
capitalists, and partly because technological development and the increasing division of labor
encourage the formation of larger units of production at the expense of smaller ones. The result of
these developments is an oligarchy of private capital the enormous power of which cannot be
effectively checked even by a democratically organized political society. This is true since the
members of legislative bodies are selected by political parties, largely financed or otherwise
influenced by private capitalists who, for all practical purposes, separate the electorate from the
legislature. The consequence is that the representatives of the people do not in fact sufficiently
protect the interests of the underprivileged sections of the population. Moreover, under existing
conditions, private capitalists inevitably control, directly or indirectly, the main sources of
information (press, radio, education). It is thus extremely difficult, and indeed in most cases quite
impossible, for the individual citizen to come to objective conclusions and to make intelligent use of
his political rights.
The situation prevailing in an economy based on the private ownership of capital is thus
characterized by two main principles: first, means of production (capital) are privately owned and
the owners dispose of them as they see fit; second, the labor contract is free. Of course, there is no
such thing as a pure capitalist society in this sense. In particular, it should be noted that the workers,
through long and bitter political struggles, have succeeded in securing a somewhat improved form
of the “free labor contract” for certain categories of workers. But taken as a whole, the present day
economy does not differ much from “pure” capitalism.
Production is carried on for profit, not for use. There is no provision that all those able and willing
to work will always be in a position to find employment; an “army of unemployed” almost always
exists. The worker is constantly in fear of losing his job. Since unemployed and poorly paid
workers do not provide a profitable market, the production of consumers' goods is restricted, and
great hardship is the consequence. Technological progress frequently results in more unemployment
rather than in an easing of the burden of work for all. The profit motive, in conjunction with
competition among capitalists, is responsible for an instability in the accumulation and utilization of
capital which leads to increasingly severe depressions. Unlimited competition leads to a huge waste
of labor, and to that crippling of the social consciousness of individuals which I mentioned before.
This crippling of individuals I consider the worst evil of capitalism. Our whole educational system
suffers from this evil. An exaggerated competitive attitude is inculcated into the student, who is
trained to worship acquisitive success as a preparation for his future career.
I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the
establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be
oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society
itself and are utilized in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the
needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and
would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in
addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of
responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present
society.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to remember that a planned economy is not yet socialism. A planned
economy as such may be accompanied by the complete enslavement of the individual. The
achievement of socialism requires the solution of some extremely difficult socio-political problems:
how is it possible, in view of the far-reaching centralization of political and economic power, to
prevent bureaucracy from becoming all-powerful and overweening? How can the rights of the
individual be protected and therewith a democratic counterweight to the power of bureaucracy be
assured?
Clarity about the aims and problems of socialism is of greatest significance in our age of transition.
Since, under present circumstances, free and unhindered discussion of these problems has come
under a powerful taboo, I consider the foundation of this magazine to be an important public
service.

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